Realizing School Improvement Through Understanding the Change Process
Federal legislation, state regulations, district mandates - in
addition to local school and community interests - all have demanded
change, improvement, and new results from schools. These voices
have vigorously exhorted school administrators and teachers to respond
to the challenges of producing a more technologically prepared citizenry
and to the needs of various student populations designated as at-risk.
While schools have responded with effective schools projects, school
improvement programs, and any number of efforts to change curriculum
and instructional practices, little real or widespread change seems
to have occurred. Schools, classroom settings, teaching, and instructional
strategies are remarkably the same as they were years ago (Brandt,
1991). Cuban (1988, p. 89) observes that "innovation after innovation
has been introduced into school after school . . . disappearing
without a fingerprint." Why has so little change been realized?
Why have so few new results been obtained?
Nearly everyone is familiar with the number of highly promising new
programs or innovations that have paraded through schools. Their
recurring introductions were matched all too frequently by teachers'
antipathy and resignation. "Don't put too much energy into this one,"
they would say, "this, too, will go away." This is not to fault
teachers, who typically received little support, guidance, or
assistance in implementing the new programs. Rather, the change
process was not given sufficient attention.
The regular demise of this multiplicity of programs led to the
judgment that the innovations themselves were not effective, because
they produced no appreciable student outcomes. In most cases, in fact,
the programs were never incorporated into the day to day operations of
classrooms and could be found in bookshelves gathering dust. As Fullan
(1982, p. 22) suggests, "Reforms . . . may fail to make a difference .
. . because the plans and resources necessary to accomplish
implementation are not adequate to the task." A simple way to state
this lack of events is: no implementation, no change, no improved
results.
The good news is that we understand a great deal about the process of
change and how to incorporate new programs into classroom life. Acting
on that understanding can provide a significant means for moving
schools toward desired improvement. One of the imperatives for acting
immediately to address school change and improvement is the status of
many children in our society, and their widespread lack of success in
schools. These at-risk students now constitute thirty percent of the
school population. They include students who will drop out before high
school graduation, or who will graduate ill-prepared for meaningful
work or post-secondary education (Knapp & Schield, 1990). "We are
programming our children and our nation to fail," states Charles
Gershenson, director of statistical analysis for the Center for the
Study of Social Policy (Goldman, March 31, 1991). Policymakers in both
the education and economic sectors call for action now. Fortunately a
number of innovative programs and strategies, tested for their
potential to increase the educational success of at-risk students, are
available (Orr, 1987). However, no innovation, however effective, can
succeed unless schools accommodate and address the process of change.
Two important questions, each focused on a dimension of the change
process, can inform implementation activities so that school
improvement can be realized: What exactly is the innovation to be
introduced? What happens to the individuals who will implement the
innovation into their work settings and practices? A discussion of
these two questions is the major focus of this paper.
The Innovation
In the 1970s a Rand Corporation study of federal programs supporting
educational change revealed interesting findings regarding the
implementation of these programs by school staff. One finding, labeled
"mutual adaptation," pointed to the researchers' insights about the
substantively different characteristics that the programs took on as
they were implemented by teachers (Greenwood, Mann, & McLaughlin,
1975). In the same period, this phenomenon was reported also by Hall
and Loucks (cited in Hall & Hord, 1987), who concluded that any one
innovation usually appeared to have multiple configurations or
operational patterns resulting from variations in teacher selection and
use of the components of the innovations.
Such differences in the innovation's implementation in classrooms, or
Innovation Configurations (Hall & Hord, 1987), were attributed to
several factors, including: how the new program was introduced to
teachers (and other intended users) in terms of clarity of description
of the program, how complex the program was to incorporate into
classroom practice, whether expectations for use of the program were
established, and whether assistance was provided to potential users in
their implementation efforts. Through discussions with many teachers
and other educational staff involved in change, researchers have
learned that practitioners typically lack clarity about what the
innovation is at its introduction and subsequently what it should look
like during implementation. Such a lack of definition leaves intended
users with little understanding of the demands or requirements of the
innovation and with impoverished mental images of what it should look
like if it has been implemented in a high quality way. This problem
has been found not only with innovations such as curriculum programs,
instructional processes, strategies, and other new practices, but also
with large-scale changes (such as restructuring) that seek to alter the
fundamental ways schools operate (Van den Berg, 1981).
The effects of such lack of definition, or vision, have been
demonstrated very clearly with, for instance, hands-on inquiry science
programs. Inquiry science is predicated on students themselves
interacting with materials, learning the skills of scientists through
their own science investigation experiences, and constructing their own
knowledge. There have been excellent examples of implementation of
this model by teachers; however, what is called "inquiry science" can
be found in classrooms where the teacher is the sole person
manipulating the materials and the experiences, while students look on
passively - not the intended operational form of the program at all.
It is easy to understand in this case that what students learn from the
actual implementation is far different from what was hoped to be gained
from the intended implementation. Under such circumstances, hoped-for
outcomes cannot be realized (James & Hord, 1988).
Both a tool and techniques for its use have been developed that enable
the identification, articulation, and description of the components of
an innovation. The framework of Innovation Configurations is this tool
(Hall & Hord, 1987); it also includes a process whereby certain
variations in implementing the components in classrooms are deemed
"ideal," "acceptable," or "unacceptable," thus identifying areas of
latitude in implementation for teachers and others. The message here
is not that all teachers should necessarily be expected to implement
all programs in an identical fashion; fidelity is not the theme. The
theme is that intended users should be privileged to understand what
the new program is all about, what it is expected to produce, and the
various ways in which its implementation may produce the desired
results. Until such issues as these are addressed, there can be little
expectation that the desired change, and school improvement, will be
reached through implementors' efforts.
The Implementors
Rogers (1971) reviewed studies of agricultural extension agents and
farmers, and of doctors integrating penicillin and other medications
into their practice, and found that participants in the studies
differed in their readiness to accept change. Some adopted the change
quickly; others took a much longer time. Rogers identified five
categories of people relative to their rate of adoption of innovations:
innovators, those persons eager to try new ideas, were open to change
and willing to take risks, and were frequently perceived as a bit naive
or crazy; leaders, open to change, were more thoughtful about getting
involved, and were sought for their advice and opinions; the early
majority, the people who were cautious and deliberate about deciding to
adopt an innovation, tended to be followers, not leaders; the late
majority, those skeptical of adopting new ideas, were characterized as
"set in their ways"; and resisters, suspicious and generally opposed to
new ideas, were usually low in influence and often isolated from the
mainstream.
Shortly after Rogers reported his typology, Hall and colleagues,
working in teacher education, identified categories of teachers who
were in the process of becoming a teacher, or who were adopting and
implementing new teaching strategies, or curricula, etc. (cited in Hall
& Hord, 1987; and Hord, Rutherford, Huling-Austin, & Hall, 1987). The
categories were based on teachers' reactions or concerns as they
experienced the adoption and implementation processes. In this
articulation, seven kinds of concern that individuals have about an
innovation were identified. Each of the stages was distinguished from
the other, but they were not mutually exclusive. That is, individuals
could have concerns at all stages at any particular time, but the
intensity of specific stages varied with any individual as
implementation progressed.
The seven stages have been defined by the expressions of concern
that individuals make at the various stages. When the individual is
not related to or influenced by the innovation in any way, concerns are
typically characterized as "not being concerned about
it," and this is stage 0. When a new program or innovation appears to
have the potential to become part of an individual's life, then stage
1, or informational concerns, become uppermost. These concerns relate
to an interest in acquiring information about the innovation. For
instance, when a secondary school administrator telephones the office
of the secondary school principals' association and makes inquiries
about school-based management and how it works, this exemplifies
informational concerns about the innovation of school-based management.
As informational concerns develop, stage 2 personal concerns become
highly predictable. The individual wonders how the new program will
affect him/her and whether he/she may have the ability to work
appropriately with the innovation. The introduction of shared
decision-making, for example, generally stimulates personal concerns
for both school-based administrators and teachers as they contemplate
how their current roles and relationships may change as a result of the
new decision-making process. Administrators may wonder about the
status of their positional authority in the new procedures, and
teachers may question their capacity to be involved in school-wide
matters.
As individuals begin implementation, stage 3 management concerns become
intense. It is easy to understand that teachers have high management
concerns while they are learning to cope with the demands of new
programs and practices. This is especially true during implementation
of an innovation such as cooperative learning, where restructured
arrangements of students and teachers are expected. Managing a roomful
of student committees, each structuring their own learning experiences
within their membership, produces teachers' concerns about controlling
time, noise-level, activity, and student behaviors. At this point,
time to understand the requirements and logistics of putting new
practices into place become factors in high need of attention.
"Mastering" management and its attendant concerns will require
substantial time.
Hall and associates discovered that, once the intensity of concerns at
stages 1, 2, and 3 are reduced, then there is the possibility that
individuals will increase their stage 4 consequence concerns.
Consequence concerns focus on the effects of the innovation on
students, and interest by the individual in making the innovation and
its use more effective for students (or whomever the "client" is). For
instance, teachers who have been developing students' critical thinking
skills as an isolated discipline, may, after they feel comfortable with
the strategies involved, determine that critical thinking would be more
effective for their students if it were integrated with academic
subject areas. Considering this kind of action would reflect
consequence concerns.
Many individuals will never reach either intense stage 5 collaboration
concerns, which relate to collaborating with others to increase the
outcomes of the innovations, or stage 6 refocusing concerns, which
focus on major ways to enhance or change the program to further
increase effectiveness. Frequently such collaboration and refocusing
are forestalled by new demands and innovations "coming down the pike"
to schools.
The Stages of Concern About an Innovation concept and its assessment
procedures have been productively utilized in a large number of studies
of implementation and change at all levels of education - kindergarten
through college - and for a vast array of innovations. Such use
builds confidence that these stages, or categories, as descriptions of
people progressing through the change process, are reasonably accurate.
The research suggests that people differ in their approach and response
to and movement through change, and that they may require differential
support and assistance for success. The Stages of Concern approach and
procedures can be used to help gauge and understand individuals and
their needs as they experience implementation and its related concerns.
So What?
It seems reasonable to suggest that "business as usual" will produce
results as usual. Thus, if different results are desired, then
"business" in the school and classroom will, of necessity, have to be
different. Changes in the school staff's knowledge, understanding,
skills, and behaviors will be required. This article argues that an
innovation's demands for new skills and behaviors, and the individual's
needs while implementing the new practices, will require interventions
that give attention and support as the change process unfolds.
Certainly, the organizational context in which implementation takes
place is another critical factor for consideration, and it is the
subject of another article in this series on leadership for change.
Although the issues of implementation raised here apply generically to
any change effort, the Leadership for Change Project in the Southwest
Educational Development Laboratory that is developing this series of
articles, is focusing attention on the needs of at-risk students and
the role that leadership at all educational levels can exercise in
these students' behalf. To reach at-risk students with potentially
powerful programs and strategies that increase student success, those
programs must be implemented well in daily school and classroom
practice. Supporting implementation is a function of leadership.
To conclude, when educational leaders understand and acknowledge that
the change process itself is a factor to be accommodated in their
school improvement efforts, when they consider the requirements of the
changes or innovations that are introduced and the needs of all
individuals who will be implementing the innovations, and when they
develop plans that take these factors into account, then they will be
providing leadership that guides, manages, and supports change. Only
then will the likelihood of school improvement be realized.
References
Brandt, R. (1991). Coping with change. Educational Leadership, 48(7),
3.
Cuban, L. (1988). Constancy and change in schools (1980s to the
present). In P.W. Jackson (Ed.), Contributing to educational change.
Berkeley, CA: McCutchan Publishing.
Fullan, M. (1982). The meaning of educational change. New York:
Teachers' College Press.
Goldman, H. (1991, March). Black children get left to fall behind at
the starting line. Austin American Statesman, p. H1.
Greenwood, P.W., Mann, D., & McLaughlin, M.W. (1975). Federal programs
supporting educational change, vol. III: The process of change.
Santa Monica, CA: Rand Corporation.
Hall, G.E., & Hord, S.M. (1987). Change in schools: Facilitating the
process. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.
Hord, S.M., Rutherford, W.L., Huling-Austin, L., & Hall, G.E. (1987).
Taking charge of change. Alexandria, VA: Association for Supervision
and Curriculum Development.
James, R. K., & Hord, S. M. (1988). Implementing elementary school
science programs. School Science and Mathematics, 88(4), 315-334.
Knapp, M. S., & Shields, P. M. (1990). Reconceiving academic
instruction for the children of poverty. Phi Delta Kappan, 71(10),
753-758.
Orr, M. T. (1987). Keeping students in school. San Francisco:
Jossey-Bass.
Rogers, E. (1971). Diffusion of innovations. New York: The Free
Press.
Van Den Berg, R. (1981). Large scale strategies for supporting
complex innovations in participating schools. 's Hertogenbosch, The
Netherlands: Katholiek Pedogogisch Centrum.
Issues . . . about Change is published and produced quarterly Southwest Educational
Development Laboratory (SEDL). This publication is based on work sponsored by
the Office of Educational Research & Improvement, U.S. Department of Education
under grant number RP91002003. The content herein does not necessarily reflect the views of
the department or any other agency of the U.S. government or any other source. Available in
alternative formats.
The Southwest Educational
Development Laboratory (SEDL) is located at 211 East Seventh Street, Austin, Texas
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employment opportunities to all individuals in all employment matters.
This issue was written by Shirley M. Hord, Senior Research Associate,
Services for School Improvement.
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